Now showing 1 - 10 of 15
  • Publication
    Brexit and Irish Security and Defence
    (University College Dublin. School of Politics and International Relations, 2019-03)
    Brexit poses fundamental challenges to the Irish state across the public policy spectrum but critically in the area of security and defence. Traditionally, Irish security and defence policy was driven by three interconnected policy goals; territorial defence, aid to the civil power and international security operations. The prospect of the UK’s withdrawal from the European Union has placed each of these three security and defence roles into a new context and poses a substantial existential challenge to the Irish state. Each will be reviewed in turn; the impact of Brexit on Irish security and defence policy, the capacity and role of the defence forces, and Ireland’s engagement in EU security and defence – including the prospect of a ‘common defence’. We argue that these three concerns lie at the heart of national existential interests; the survival of the peace process and security on this Island.
      230
  • Publication
    Ireland and Collective Security
    (Institute of Public Administration, 2006-01-06)
    The aim of this chapter is to reconsider Irish foreign, security and defence policy in the light of the State’s 50 - year long commitment to the UN’s system of collective security. It will contrast that commitment with Ire land’s ambivalence towards collective defence and will argue that the ‘neutrality’ debate in Ireland is premised upon a misunderstanding of collective security that has the potential to pose major policy challenges.
      85
  • Publication
    Conceptualising the European Union's global role
    (Palgrave Macmillan, 2005-11)
    There has been considerable debate surrounding the nature of the European Union’s international capacity. Early conceptions of the Union as a civilian – or non-military actor – dominated early thinking, characterising the Union as a new kind of international actor (Duchene, 1972). Others, meanwhile (Galtung, 1973; Bull, 1982) argued that this simply sought to make a virtue of weakness and that if the Union were ever to be taken seriously, then it would have to develop a full-spectrum military capacity. That debate, in a somewhat different form, continues today. The ‘civilian power’ thesis (Maull, 1990; Smith, 2005; Stavridis, 2002) has evolved to one in which the Union continues to be posited as a new kind of international actor, but now as one which is somehow uniquely capable or uniquely configured as effective exporter of norms and values in the international system (Manners, 2002; Sjursen 2004). Others insist that only as the Union develops its nascent military capacity can it begin to shoulder real international responsibilities (Smith, 2005; Kagan; Cooper). Within this second debate exist more polemical positions on the adverse, or other, consequences of the ‘militarization’ of the Union’s international profile and transatlantic arguments surrounding a division of labour between the US and EU in delivering ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ security capacity. This paper will outline and critically engage these debates. It will conclude that while the Union remains a distinctive international actor, the trajectory of its development may suggest the pursuit of an ‘enlightened power’ model.
      3751
  • Publication
    The Pursuit of Justice Through EU Security Strategies: Sisyphus Redux?
    (GLOBUS Research, 2018-02) ;
    The EU has developed its role in global affairs through several treaty revisions, institutional developments, political statements and official strategic documents. The strategic documents and political statements embody both the EU's more particular short-term interests and concerns, as well as its more universal and long-term normative aspirations or "milieu goals". How the EU has sought to balance these and to project them globally through its formal strategy statements in the realm of security is the core research question of this paper. Furthermore, this paper assesses these attempts as part of a greater endeavour of the GLOBUS project to conceptualise global justice and the Union's role therein. The EU is a (self-)proclaimed normative power that is seen in some quarters as promoting universal values and global justice. However, what is "just" as this article will discuss, is contested even when it is (rarely) defined. The article will therefore review three related but distinct concepts of global justice and highlight the outlying indicators of these ideal types of justice. Based on these, the article develops hypotheses on the EU's role in the pursuit of global justice and tests these against the EU's dis-courses embodied in the three main strategic documents: "A Secure Europe in a Better World European Security Strategy" (European Council 2003), "Report on the Implementation of the European Security Strategy - Providing Security in a Changing World" (European Council 2008) and "Shared Vision, Common Action: A Stronger Europe - A Global Strategy for the European Union's Foreign And Security Policy" (EEAS 2016).
      246
  • Publication
    European Security and Defence
    (Routledge, 2016-11-11)
    In a world where the global legal order is thin and often fragile, we continue to rely heavily on older legal foundations of territorial sovereignty. In Europe, the very cradle of the Westphalian state model, challenges to that order are all the more shocking. Russia’s decision to annex Crimea—regardless of its perceived geostrategic justification—poses a stark and undeniable challenge to the post-Cold War order. While Russia cannot pose the kind of strategic threat offered at great domestic cost by the USSR, it is a significant regional actor. European states, bilaterally and multilaterally (through the EU, NATO, the OSCE and the Council of Europe), also have a vested interest in restoring normal relations with Russia. However, Russia’s actions towards and within Ukraine are unparalleled in modern times and have forced a fundamental re-evaluation across European foreign and defence ministries of contemporary assumptions about the nature of modern security and European territorial defence.
      164
  • Publication
    Europeanization
    (Sage Publications, 2015-06)
    There is no doubt that the concept of Europeanization as applied to EU foreign policy has a growing academic profile. A rudimentary search of Google Scholar, for example, reveals that the concept, linked to foreign policy, was cited in just over 200 scholarly publications in 2000, in 800 such publications by 2005 and over 1,800 academic publications in 2013. However, this very growth has led to criticism. Europeanization has been censured as the poster child for concept-stretching (Radaelli, 2000), as being poorly and confusingly defined (Mair, 2004) and for having limited explanatory capacity, either by reason of lacking parsimony in its measurement (Lodge, 2006) or as a result of confusion over its causal status (Wong and Hill, 2011). These concerns result in the worst possible scholarly criticism – that Europeanization is simply an academic fad, devoid of substantial conceptual utility (Olsen, 2003; Moumoutzis, 2011).
      539
  • Publication
    Legitimacy and EU security and defence policy: the chimera of a simulacrum (part of the collection “Understanding legitimacy in EU foreign policy”)
    (Taylor & Francis, 2018-10-23)
    How can EU defence policy best be grounded in democratic consent and what are the implications for policy makers of alternative models available? This question has to rest at the heart of any consideration of the democratic legitimacy of the European Union’s evolving “common” foreign, security and defence policies – bearing on the “internal input legitimacy” of this special issue. This article considers the European Union’s defence policy and asks where does the democratic legitimacy of such a policy rest and is such legitimation a necessary condition of developing such a policy? Critically, it also assesses the implications for policy making and policy makers, arising from such legitimization by considering the implications of a shift from first to second generation analysis of civil–military relations and the options for strengthening the democratic legitimacy of this policy area as its development accelerates.
      214
  • Publication
    Irish Foreign Policy
    (Routlege (Taylor & Francis), 2001)
    After decades of disillusionment, the people and government of the Republic of Ireland (hereafter, 'Ireland') have begun to reassess their role and identity in the international system. The Irish state is no longer exclusively defined through its position (mental and geographic) as an 'island behind an island.' While a shared and complex history may always make relationships with Ireland's nearest neighbour problematic, the pursuit of, or flight from, British norms is a decreasing feature of debates in public policy. In its stead is a greater self confidence, an attempt to reach out to other European and small state models and a general ambition to orient the state and its society outwards towards all azimuths rather than eastwards.
      1704
  • Publication
    The Future of EU-UK Security and Defence Cooperation
    (Dublin City University. Brexit Institute, 2020-06-14)
    The UK’s departure from the European Union poses many challenges, not least in the field of security and defence. This paper assesses the implications of this for both parties and tries to outline options for a new bilateral partnership. The paper opens with a reminder of the headline contribution that the UK has made and continues to make to European security and defence and its significance as an actor within the Union. It goes on to suggest that Brexit is a lose-lose scenario for both partners, notwithstanding a shared set of security threats and an overall common approach to meeting them. The paper outlines the significant advances in the development of CSDP since the Brexit referendum result and the importance of the Commission’s proposal of new funding to the development of EU member state defence capacities. The paper then reviews options, which have surfaced in the EU and UK respectively to define a new bilateral partnership. The challenges to involving a third-country in EU policy development and execution are examined and the urgent need for the Union and the UK to devise a new – necessarily weaker – relationship is underlined.
      44
  • Publication
    Theories, Concepts and Sources
    (Gill and MacMillan, 2012-04)
    The purpose of this chapter is to introduce the wider theoretical debates on international relations and foreign policy, assert the importance of historical context when studying foreign policy and show the conceptual issues that need to be clarified when writing on international relations.
      164