Now showing 1 - 10 of 15
  • Publication
    European Security and Defence
    (Routledge, 2016-11-11)
    In a world where the global legal order is thin and often fragile, we continue to rely heavily on older legal foundations of territorial sovereignty. In Europe, the very cradle of the Westphalian state model, challenges to that order are all the more shocking. Russia’s decision to annex Crimea—regardless of its perceived geostrategic justification—poses a stark and undeniable challenge to the post-Cold War order. While Russia cannot pose the kind of strategic threat offered at great domestic cost by the USSR, it is a significant regional actor. European states, bilaterally and multilaterally (through the EU, NATO, the OSCE and the Council of Europe), also have a vested interest in restoring normal relations with Russia. However, Russia’s actions towards and within Ukraine are unparalleled in modern times and have forced a fundamental re-evaluation across European foreign and defence ministries of contemporary assumptions about the nature of modern security and European territorial defence.
  • Publication
    Resilience and the EU's Global Strategy: The Potential Promise of Justice
    (University of Oslo. ARENA Centre for European Studies, 2020-02)
    The appearance of ‘resilience’ as a core concept within the EU Global Strategy (EUGS) is a significant focus of scholarly interest while for their part, EU institutions are anxious to put flesh on the bones of that strategy. The aim of this paper is to suggest that far from representing a collapse of European ambition or indeed a ‘middle ground’ position between liberal ambition and realist pragmatism, resilience potentially entails a profound re-engineering of EU foreign policy, serving the cause of an overarching concept of global justice. Such an approach is grounded in reciprocal and accountable relationships in search of ‘fair terms of social cooperation’. It also implies the creation of institutional decision-making and adjudicating fora which are profoundly deliberative in their orientation. This paper will argue that 'resilience' has therefore the potential to be a transformative concept in the design and pursuit of EU foreign policy. It also faces significant challenges, not least where there is profound disagreement or stark choices to be made over foundational principles. Resilience nonetheless opens pathways to perhaps a different kind of EU foreign policy, offering significant added-value to EU member states’ diplomacy.
  • Publication
    (Dietz, 2017-05)
    The population of the Republic of Ireland (hereinafter 'Ireland') is 4.7 million with a per capita GDP of €49,300 (Eurostat 2016a). Ireland's debt to GDP ratio in 2015 was 93.8 (Eurostat 2016b). Total defence expenditure in 2016 was €904 million, or 0.48 per cent of GDP, the lowest ratio in the European Union. This represents a defence expenditure of €193 per person (Department of Defence 2016). The full-time strength of the Permanent Defence Forces (PDF) in 2016 amounts to 9,137 with a further 2,332 in the Reserve Defence Forces (Dail Eireann 2016a), with plans to bring this up to a steady-state 9,500. Approximately 10 per cent of the PDF is deployable overseas with an average annual overseas deployment (UN or EU) of 419 personnel or 4.5 per cent of total PDF (Dail Eireann 2016b).
  • Publication
    Irish Foreign Policy
    (Routlege (Taylor & Francis), 2001)
    After decades of disillusionment, the people and government of the Republic of Ireland (hereafter, 'Ireland') have begun to reassess their role and identity in the international system. The Irish state is no longer exclusively defined through its position (mental and geographic) as an 'island behind an island.' While a shared and complex history may always make relationships with Ireland's nearest neighbour problematic, the pursuit of, or flight from, British norms is a decreasing feature of debates in public policy. In its stead is a greater self confidence, an attempt to reach out to other European and small state models and a general ambition to orient the state and its society outwards towards all azimuths rather than eastwards.
  • Publication
    The (In)Justices of Peacekeeping EUFOR Tchad/RCA
    (GLOBUS Research, 2018-02)
    The goal of this paper is to assess conceptions of justice in the European Union's (EU) military mission (EUFOR Tchad/RCA). In January 2008 the EU launched this 'bridging' military operation in Chad in accordance with the mandate set out in UNSCR 1778 (2007) and alongside the installation of the United Nation's own MINURCAT mission. EUFOR Tchad/RCA's 12 month mission came within the framework of the Union's Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). The paper will assess the mission's intent and execution in the light of distinct models of global justice and will offer conclusions as to its relative success, most especially in the eyes of local stakeholders.
  • Publication
    Constructing the CFSP : The utility of a cognitive approach
    (Wiley-Blackwell, 2003-09)
    Traditional analyses of the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) tend to characterise it either as an effete and declaratory expression of lowest common denominator politics or as a limited framework for median-interest foreign policy bargaining – yet another stall in the Union’s policy ‘market’. Even at a modest empirical level, however, these representations of CFSP fail to convince in view of the development of CFSP in recent years. By contrast, this article will argue that a cognitive approach towards the study of CFSP opens up new and crucial vistas for analysis and offers some striking conclusions on the reciprocal relationship between CFSP and national foreign policies and the transformatory capacity of the CFSP vis a vis national foreign policies, including their ‘Europeanisation’. This approach, it is argued, offers a potentially better understanding of and explanation for CFSP with its comparative advantage defined in terms of its handling of roles, rules, identity and ideas.
    Scopus© Citations 87  1247
  • Publication
    The Pursuit of Justice Through EU Security Strategies: Sisyphus Redux?
    (GLOBUS Research, 2018-02) ;
    The EU has developed its role in global affairs through several treaty revisions, institutional developments, political statements and official strategic documents. The strategic documents and political statements embody both the EU's more particular short-term interests and concerns, as well as its more universal and long-term normative aspirations or "milieu goals". How the EU has sought to balance these and to project them globally through its formal strategy statements in the realm of security is the core research question of this paper. Furthermore, this paper assesses these attempts as part of a greater endeavour of the GLOBUS project to conceptualise global justice and the Union's role therein. The EU is a (self-)proclaimed normative power that is seen in some quarters as promoting universal values and global justice. However, what is "just" as this article will discuss, is contested even when it is (rarely) defined. The article will therefore review three related but distinct concepts of global justice and highlight the outlying indicators of these ideal types of justice. Based on these, the article develops hypotheses on the EU's role in the pursuit of global justice and tests these against the EU's dis-courses embodied in the three main strategic documents: "A Secure Europe in a Better World European Security Strategy" (European Council 2003), "Report on the Implementation of the European Security Strategy - Providing Security in a Changing World" (European Council 2008) and "Shared Vision, Common Action: A Stronger Europe - A Global Strategy for the European Union's Foreign And Security Policy" (EEAS 2016).
  • Publication
    The Future of EU-UK Security and Defence Cooperation
    (Dublin City University. Brexit Institute, 2020-06-14)
    The UK’s departure from the European Union poses many challenges, not least in the field of security and defence. This paper assesses the implications of this for both parties and tries to outline options for a new bilateral partnership. The paper opens with a reminder of the headline contribution that the UK has made and continues to make to European security and defence and its significance as an actor within the Union. It goes on to suggest that Brexit is a lose-lose scenario for both partners, notwithstanding a shared set of security threats and an overall common approach to meeting them. The paper outlines the significant advances in the development of CSDP since the Brexit referendum result and the importance of the Commission’s proposal of new funding to the development of EU member state defence capacities. The paper then reviews options, which have surfaced in the EU and UK respectively to define a new bilateral partnership. The challenges to involving a third-country in EU policy development and execution are examined and the urgent need for the Union and the UK to devise a new – necessarily weaker – relationship is underlined.
  • Publication
    Conceptualising the European Union's global role
    (Palgrave Macmillan, 2005-11)
    There has been considerable debate surrounding the nature of the European Union’s international capacity. Early conceptions of the Union as a civilian – or non-military actor – dominated early thinking, characterising the Union as a new kind of international actor (Duchene, 1972). Others, meanwhile (Galtung, 1973; Bull, 1982) argued that this simply sought to make a virtue of weakness and that if the Union were ever to be taken seriously, then it would have to develop a full-spectrum military capacity. That debate, in a somewhat different form, continues today. The ‘civilian power’ thesis (Maull, 1990; Smith, 2005; Stavridis, 2002) has evolved to one in which the Union continues to be posited as a new kind of international actor, but now as one which is somehow uniquely capable or uniquely configured as effective exporter of norms and values in the international system (Manners, 2002; Sjursen 2004). Others insist that only as the Union develops its nascent military capacity can it begin to shoulder real international responsibilities (Smith, 2005; Kagan; Cooper). Within this second debate exist more polemical positions on the adverse, or other, consequences of the ‘militarization’ of the Union’s international profile and transatlantic arguments surrounding a division of labour between the US and EU in delivering ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ security capacity. This paper will outline and critically engage these debates. It will conclude that while the Union remains a distinctive international actor, the trajectory of its development may suggest the pursuit of an ‘enlightened power’ model.
  • Publication
    Ireland and Collective Security
    (Institute of Public Administration, 2006-01-06)
    The aim of this chapter is to reconsider Irish foreign, security and defence policy in the light of the State’s 50 - year long commitment to the UN’s system of collective security. It will contrast that commitment with Ire land’s ambivalence towards collective defence and will argue that the ‘neutrality’ debate in Ireland is premised upon a misunderstanding of collective security that has the potential to pose major policy challenges.